In Georgia's Gwinnett County, where Republicans rule, few really love the Affordable Care Act. Few want to lose it either.
In
parts of the county, about 1 in 8 people get insurance from the federal
health-care program, making Gwinnett, near Atlanta, one of the biggest
per-capita users of the Affordable Care Act. The coverage is advertised
in road signs along busy Jimmy Carter Boulevard near Lilburn. It's the
reason enrollment has dropped at low-cost clinics in Snellville and
Norcross. It's seeped into the Asian, Latino and African immigrant
communities, becoming a mainstay for retail workers, contractors and the
downsized.
As the Supreme Court prepares to rule on a case
that could make the plan's private insurance unaffordable in Georgia and
at least 33 other states, Gwinnett, where all five of the county
commissioners belong to the Republican Party that has been leading the
fight against the health care law, illustrates how for many the program
has become a fact of life. Obamacare is both groused about and accepted,
like taxes and the weather.
"I couldn't buy insurance for myself
after my husband retired, not until Obamacare," said Ghada Nadhan, 63,
an assistant manager of a food store who immigrated from Syria more than
two decades ago. "Now I am afraid."
Now before the Supreme Court, the King v. Burwell
case threatens to make the plan unaffordable by ending federal subsidies
that hold down premium costs based on income. A suit backed by
conservative activists, citing a single phrase in the law, says those
subsidies aren't allowed in states that didn't create their own
health-care exchanges.
Led by the free-market Cato Institute in
Washington, those opponents helped persuade Republican governors not to
form state-run exchanges, as a tactic for undermining the health-care
act.
More than 13 million Americans could lose tax credits that
help pay for insurance coverage by next year, according to the Kaiser
Family Foundation in Menlo Park, California. Florida, Texas, North
Carolina and Georgia, the states with the most to lose, received a
combined $19 billion, according to a December report by Democratic staff
of the House Energy and Commerce Committee.
All four states
declined to create exchanges and could have spiraling premium increases
if the court nixes their subsidies. In Georgia, premiums would rise 381
percent without the credits, according to a June 3 analysis by Kaiser.
"It's
not something that should be done based on a twisted interpretation of
four words in, as we were reminded repeatedly, a couple-thousand-page
piece of legislation," President Barack Obama said Monday at a news
briefing in Germany. "Part of what's bizarre about this whole thing is
we haven't had a lot of conversation about the horrors of Obamacare
because none of them have come to pass."
In Gwinnett, attitudes
about the plan depend a lot on subsidies, said Luis De La Rosa, an
insurance salesman who advertises in a Hispanic part of Lilburn. He says
ending the federal help would be a disaster.
"The people who say
it doesn't work now are the people who aren't getting the subsidies and
facing fines if they don't enroll," he said.
They're also people who aren't sick, he said.
"That's an advantage people forget. Before, you couldn't get insurance if you were sick."
Gwinnett
is a microcosm of a changing nation. Once overwhelmingly white, it's
now one of the nation's most ethnically diverse counties, largely
because of its immigrant population. It had 73,839 people enrolled in
the plan's insurance exchange as of May, the most in the state. Two
Gwinnett zip codes had 12 percent of residents enrolled in the plan, the
most outside of Florida.
The plan has had the biggest impact on
the area's low-cost medical facilities. At Gwinnett Community Clinic in
Snellville, staff began calling former patients this year after a 30
percent enrollment drop.
"The reason they were gone is that they now had insurance," director Sheila Adcock said.
The
same thing happened in Norcross, at a clinic run by Boat People SOS.
Daily caseloads dropped to 10 from 20 after the organization helped
enroll immigrants in Obamacare, said Han Nguyen, a health navigator.
Even enrollees with generous subsidies have complaints, said Adcock, who heard some during her phone outreach.
"If
you are a person in poverty, you're not used to the idea of co-pays and
deductibles, and you're wondering what you are paying for," she said.
Charles
Pierre, 58, a Haitian immigrant and substitute teacher, was among those
signed up by Nguyen. He said his subsidized premium has already almost
doubled, to $45 a month from $23, and that he also has a $35 co-pay to
see a doctor.
Pierre said he likes the security the insurance
brings but would have to drop it if the subsidy disappears and the price
goes up again.
"It's going to be a struggle for me to pay for it," he said. "What I earn is not changed."
Valerie
Dalton, 64, got her insurance in February, after her banking job was
eliminated and she could no longer afford the $700 monthly price to stay
on her former employer's plan.
She said her plan's premiums are
about $360 per month, a price she still thinks is high but that she
won't have to pay for long. Next month she'll turn 65 and be eligible
for Medicare.
"I'm not politically active at all, but I feel badly that they are threatening this," she said. "I think it's really sad."
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